Entre a "Velha" e a "Nova" Ciência Política: Continuidade e Renovação Acadêmica na Primeira Década da Revista DADOS (1966-1976) / Between the "Old" and the "New" Political Science: Continuity and Academic Renovation in the First Decade of DADOS Journal's Publication (1966-1976) / Entre la "Vielle" et la "Nouvelle" Science Politique: Continuité et Rénovation Académique lors de la Première Décennie de la Revue DADOS (1966-1976) / Entre la "Vieja" y la "Nueva" Ciencia Política: Continuidad y Renovación Académica en la Primera Década de la Revista DADOS (1966-1976)

RESUMO O presente artigo apresenta um mapeamento contextualizado dos debates acadêmicos travado ao longo da primeira década de existência da Revista DADOS (1966-1976). Do ponto de vista histórico, trata-se do processo de endurecimento do regime militar; do ponto de vista temático e teórico, cuida-se da passagem da antiga ideologia nacional-desenvolvimentista para uma sociologia do conhecimento que, ao final do período estudado, divide-se entre uma sociologia histórica e uma ciência política, preocupadas ambas com o estudo do autoritarismo em geral e do brasileiro em particular. Quanto aos autores, vê-se a passagem de bastão da velha Ciência Política brasileira, ensaísta e nacionalista, para uma nova, comprometida com uma reflexão rigorosa baseado em critérios profissionais, mas também com os valores democráticos.

ABSTRACT The following article provides a contextualized mapping of the academic debates characterizing the first decade of DADOS journal's publication (1966-1976). Historically speaking, this reflects a tightening of the military dictatorship, while from a thematic and theoretical point of view, it concerns the shift from the former national-developmental ideology to a sociology of knowledge that, at the end of the period under study, splits into a form of historic sociology and a form of political science, with both concerned with the study of authoritarianism in general and the study of this in Brazil in particular. In terms of authors, the shift is one from the old essayist and nationalist Brazilian political science to a new strand committed to rigorous reflection based on professional criteria, as well as democratic values.

RÉSUMÉ Le présent article propose une cartographie contextualisée des débats universitaires menés au long de la première décennie d'existence de la Revue DADOS (1966-1976). Du point de vue historique, il s'agit d'une période de durcissement du régime militaire, tandis que l'on a assisté, au niveau thématique, au passage de l'ancienne idéologie national-développementiste à une sociologie de la connaissance, qui, à la fin de la période en question, s'est divisée entre sociologie historique et science politique, néanmoins toutes deux impliquées dans l'étude de l'autoritarisme en général et de la situation brésilienne à cet égard. Pour ce qui est des auteurs, on constate un passage de relais entre les anciennes sciences politiques brésiliennes pamphlétaires et nationalistes et les nouvelles, engagées dans une réflexion rigoureuse se basant sur des critères professionnels, mais également sur des valeurs démocratiques.

RESUMEN Este artículo presenta un estudio contextualizado de los debates académicos llevados a cabo en el transcurso de la primera década de existencia de la revista DADOS (1966-1976). Desde el punto de vista histórico, se trata del proceso de endurecimiento del régimen militar; desde el punto de vista temático y teórico, se refiere al paso de la antigua ideología nacional-desarrollista a una sociología del conocimiento que, al final del periodo estudiado, se divide entre una sociología histórica y una ciencia política, ambas preocupadas por el estudio del autoritarismo en general y del brasileño en particular. En cuanto a los autores, se ve el paso del testigo de la vieja ciencia política brasileña, ensayista y nacionalista, a una nueva, comprometida con una reflexión rigurosa basada en criterios profesionales y también con los valores democráticos.

"A multidão é louca, a multidão é mulher": a demofobia oligárquico-federativa da Primeira República e o tema da mudança da capital / "The crowd is crazy, the crowd is a woman": the oligarchical-federal demophobia of the First Republic and the issue of transferring the capital

Examina as expressões de demofobia da classe política da Primeira República, em faces das manifestações do povo carioca, relacionando-as à necessidade de mudar para o interior a sede do governo federal. A literatura demófoba produzida pelos liberais europeus contrários à democratização em seus países impregnou a orientação da classe política brasileira do período. Empenhados em construir uma federação oligárquica, viam a população do Rio de Janeiro como uma ameaça. Contra um subversivo povo-multidão de uma capital cosmopolita, artificial e estrangeirada, o federalismo oligárquico valorizava um ‘autêntico' povo brasileiro que remetia ao imaginário de uma população interiorana e ordeira.

This study examines the expressions of demophobia of the political class of the First Republic, faced with demonstrations against the government in Rio de Janeiro, and relates them to the need to move to the seat of the federal government inland. The demophobic literature produced by liberal Europeans against democratization in their countries pervaded the orientation of the Brazilian political class during the period. Committed to building an oligarchic federation, they saw the population of Rio de Janeiro as a threat. Compared to a subversive crowd of people in a huge, artificial capital suffering from foreign influence, oligarchic federalism valued the ‘authentic' Brazilian people, referred to the image of a provincial, orderly population.

"The crowd is crazy, the crowd is a woman": the oligarchical-federal demophobia of the First Republic and the issue of transferring the capital.

This study examines the expressions of demophobia of the political class of the First Republic, faced with demonstrations against the government in Rio de Janeiro, and relates them to the need to move to the seat of the federal government inland. The demophobic literature produced by liberal Europeans against democratization in their countries pervaded the orientation of the Brazilian political class during the period. Committed to building an oligarchic federation, they saw the population of Rio de Janeiro as a threat. Compared to a subversive crowd of people in a huge, artificial capital suffering from foreign influence, oligarchic federalism valued the 'authentic' Brazilian people, referred to the image of a provincial, orderly population.

Entre o Leviatã e o Beemote: soberania, constituição e excepcionalidade no debate político dos séculos XVII e XVIII / Between the Leviathan and the Behemoth: sovereignty, constitution, and exceptionality in 17th and 18th centuries political debate / Entre le Léviathan et le Behemoth: souveraineté, constitution et exceptionnalité dans le débat public aux XVIIe et XVIIIe siècles

The article seeks to retrace the theoretical approaches to the problem of exceptionality of power, i.e., the manifestation of sovereign power within a limited government with shared power - as in the tradition of mixed Constitution (longstanding in political thinking) - in the 17th and 18th centuries. Already present in authors like Machiavelli, Harrington, and Locke, the debate bifurcated between England and France in the early 18th century. The specificities of English politics led it to consecrate a tradition of mixed Constitutionalism in which the discretionary element lost relevance in the political system as a whole. In France, on the other hand, the unpopularity of the nobility and the centrality of sovereignty as a concept disaccredited formulas that compromised with the discretionary nature of power. This bifurcation contributed to the formation of two distinct patterns of Constitutional government: the Anglo-Saxon and the French/Continental.

Dans cet article, le propos est de montrer les voies théoriques empruntées par la question de l'exceptionnalité du pouvoir, c'est-à-dire la manifestation du pouvoir souverain à l'intérieur d'un gouvernement limité et au pouvoir partagé - cas de la constitution mixte, vieille tradition de la pensée politique européenne aux XVIIe -XVIIIe siècles. Débat qu'on retrouve déjà chez des auteurs tels que Machiavel, Harrington et Locke, et qui se dédouble au début du XVIIIe siècle entre l'Angleterre et la France. D'un côté, si les spécificités de la politique anglaise l'ont amenée à consacrer une tradition de constitution mixte où l'élément discrétionnaire voyait son importance amoindrie au sein du système politique, de l'autre , en France, l'impopularité de la noblesse et la centralité du concept de souveraineté ont discrédité les formules s'accommodant du caractère discrétionnaire du pouvoir. Cette bifurcation aurait favorisé la formation de deux modèles différents de gouvernement constitutionnel: l'anglo-saxon et le franco-occidental.

O discurso político monarquiano e a recepção do conceito de poder moderador no Brasil (1822-1824) / Monarchical political discourse and receptiveness to the concept of a moderating power in Brazil (1822-1824)

This article revisits the founding moment of Brazilian political institutions in order to highlight the penetration of French monarchical discourse among statesmen connected to the Brazilian Crown. The concept of a moderating power was thus mobilized strategically by these statesmen to safeguard the Crown's prerogatives from the growing interference of the 1823 Constitutional Congress. The objective was to justify the preeminence of the Prince over Parliament as representative of the nation's sovereignty. This justification introduced new semantic meanings into the concept, such as those of active neutrality, discretionarity, and centralization, which came to be identified with the state itself during the state-building process. The result was that the legal text allowed a monarchical reading of the Chief of State as an axis for government activity, but also another, ultraliberal reading in which he appeared merely as arbiter of the Constitutional system.

Dans cet article, on réexamine le moment fondateur des institutions politiques brésiliennes afin de souligner l'influence du discours monarchiste français sur les hommes d'État liés à la Couronne brésilienne. Ils se seraient servis stratégiquement de l'idée de pouvoir modérateur dans le but de sauvegarder les prérogatives de la Couronne contre les ingérences croissantes de l'Assemblée constituante de 1823, c'est-à-dire justifier la primauté du Prince, comme représentant la souveraineté de la nation, sur le Parlement. Ce but a permis d'assimiler à cette idée de nouveaux sens sémantiques tels que: neutralité active, caractère arbitraire et centralisateur, qui se sont identifiés à l'État naissant. Il en résulte que le texte légal rend possible non seulement une lecture monarchiste du chef de l'État comme axe du gouvernement, mais aussi une autre, ultralibérale, où il ne serait que l'arbitre du système constitutionnel.